From: “L. Detweiler” <ld231782@longs.lance.colostate.edu>
To: cypherpunks@toad.com
Message Hash: 5f5f7002c9d972622bb640b86ff0705e257432d52ac782e789deff8aa19fb676
Message ID: <9311210404.AA16595@longs.lance.colostate.edu>
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UTC Datetime: 1993-11-21 04:04:58 UTC
Raw Date: Sat, 20 Nov 93 20:04:58 PST
From: "L. Detweiler" <ld231782@longs.lance.colostate.edu>
Date: Sat, 20 Nov 93 20:04:58 PST
To: cypherpunks@toad.com
Subject: EFF's Kapor on Political Philosophy
Message-ID: <9311210404.AA16595@longs.lance.colostate.edu>
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Mr. Kapor's words of wisdom. I will not comment except to say that I
don't think he has accurately characterized the Cypherpunk position.
===cut=here===
Date: Sat, 20 Nov 1993 11:46:50 -0500
From: mkapor@kei.com (Mitchell Kapor)
Rich Karlgaard <0005096930@mcimail.com> wisely observes:
> ...the range of
>political opinion in the U.S. is not always spread
>along a single axis of left to right. I believe
>there is another axis ascendant. It is
>authoritarian/libertarian.
> Try this exercise. Draw a left-to-right
>line across a page. Then draw a vertical line from
>top to bottom, labeling it Authoritarian on top,
>Libertarian on bottom. You have just created a
>grid with four quadrants.
I have tried to illustrate his point. My deficiencies as a graphic artist
are equaled only by the impoverished of ASCII as a graphical medium.
Karlgaard's two axes:
-----------authoritarian------------
| ^ |
| | |
|<----left------|------ right----> |
| | |
| v |
-----------libertarian--------------
I want to substitute "anti-authoritarian" for "libertarian", as follows:
----------- authoritarian----------
| ^ |
| | |
|<----left------|------ right----> |
| | |
| v |
-----------anti-authoritarian-------
Doing this permits distinguishing two varieties of anti-authoritarian, the
decentralist and the libertarian.
--------------------------------------
| | |
| | |
|-------------------------------------|
| decentralist | libertarian |
| | |
---------------------------------------
In my terminology Libertarian is used to refer more specifically to the
right quadrant of the anti-authoritarian position. The left side of the
anti-authoritarian space I have chosen to call decentralist.
As Rich indicates, on some issues, like NAFTA and, I might add, the Clipper
Chip, the opposing sides are divided, not on liberal-conservative political
lines, but on the horizontal axis.
I would claim that the lower half of the political space simply be called
anti-authoritarian and that it is divided into two quadrants: on the left,
the decentralist, and on the right, the libertarian.
You can see how this works on Clipper chip and other privacy issues related
to encryption. EFF chairs a coalition of 60 organizations, from the
American Petroleum Institute to the ACLU, which opposes government control
of encryption. You have cypherpunks and corporate interests aligned on
this issue, because they all want decentralization of control over
encryption technology.
On issues where the goal is to remove government-imposed barriers, like
privacy, there is easy agreement between left-leaning decentralists and
right-leaning libertarians. The coherence of EFF's Board resides in the
libertarian-decentralist commonality of interest which is more important
than conventional divisions of left-right politics.
On the other hand, the sometimes fractious nature of the public interest
community, of which EFF is part, can be seen to in splits along the same
horizontal axis. EFF supports private sector ownership and operation of the
National Information Infrastructure,, Many other public interest
organizations share the same general goals of openness for the NII as EFF
but prefer approaches lying above the horizontal midline, e.g., through
direct government ownership or operation of the NII.
Infrastructure is a trickier issue than privacy. All anti-authoritarians
would agree that a government-built NII is the wrong approach. However,
there seems to be more willingness among many on the net who think of
themselves as libertarians to leave it entirely to private industry to
build the NII, where government abandons any role, even as referee. If we
wound up with an NII controlled by an oligopoly of enormous corporate
interests which resulted in centralized control over content, it would be a
bad thing. If independent content providers can't easily get on the
network, it would be a huge catastrophe.
It seems to me that, in principle, corporate authoritarianism is as
dangerous as government authoritarianism, and this is an issue which may
separate left-quadrant and right-quadrant anti-authoritarians.
A libertarian would argue that if government got out of the way, e.g.,
deregulated telecommunications and let everybody compete, it would be
sufficient to achieve the right kind of NII. Personally, I think that's
naive. A more considered libertarian view would be that either the market
will produce the desired result by itself OR IT WON'T, but there is nothing
anybody can do to alter the outcome. Thus government should stay out of
it, and the public interest community should go home. To me, this is both
fatalistic and simplistic.
A decentralist would say that deregulation alone is not necessarily going
to be sufficient to produce a decentralized NII. It might be and it might
not. But if it is not, we do not need to be fatalists about it. We have
the opportunity to try to influence the outcome both by working at the
level of raising consciousness and through the possibility legislation
which ratifies some sort of hard-fought compromise that achieves certain
goals (e.g. for new common carriage or new universal service). This
embodies the EFF approach.
We may all get lucky in the sense that the architecture of consumer
broadband networks winds up following a model which is more, rather than
less, like the Internet in its openness and decentralization. This appears
to be the general direction Bell Atlantic is taking. However, while their
system is open (in terms of common carriage or system architecture), it is
heavily asymmetrical with a big downstream pipe and a small upstream pipe,
at least for the foreseeable future.
If the TCI merger goes through, and if they are able to rationalize two
different networks, business models, and corporate cultures, what obtains
for BA will hold for TCI too. There are some mighty big ifs here, and in
any event Bell Atlantic/TCI only serves 25% of the country. Other
carriers, who have a different business model which does not emphasize
revenue from transport a la Bell Atlantic, but revenue from content, may
choose to go with closed, channelized systems.
We have to see what other cable companies and telcos actually offer.
Increasingly I am going to focus my efforts on understanding the likely
architectural deployments of the carriers and how close they come to EFF's
model of an open platform. The pragmatic question which faces us as we
fill in the picture with details will be what, if anything, can be done, to
nudge the system into providing alternatives which are closer to open
platforms.
All in all, I'd prefer to try to catalyze any necessary changes in mindset
of carriers in order to secure voluntary moves. But as a pragmatist I
believe that government action, or certainly the threat of it, may be
useful or, in the worst case, necessary, to achieve the desired end.
Further, since the whole process is already highly politicized, I think
involvement to prevent bad governmental solutions from being imposed and
screwing things up is clearly necessary. Thus politics is inevitably
involved to carry out a an anti-authoritarian mission. At least in my
view.
...................................................................
Mitchell Kapor, Chairman <mkapor@kei.com>
Electronic Frontier Foundation
*** Join EFF!!! Send mail to membership@eff.org for information ***
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