From: John Young <jya@pipeline.com>
To: cypherpunks@toad.com
Message Hash: 937be4f493efee86fa68cfc69203e04d00919ca6b2eaf014ad3a2a3d7aa56ec7
Message ID: <199507262341.TAA26317@pipe4.nyc.pipeline.com>
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UTC Datetime: 1995-07-27 00:01:48 UTC
Raw Date: Wed, 26 Jul 95 17:01:48 PDT
From: John Young <jya@pipeline.com>
Date: Wed, 26 Jul 95 17:01:48 PDT
To: cypherpunks@toad.com
Subject: WIL_mil
Message-ID: <199507262341.TAA26317@pipe4.nyc.pipeline.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
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Garry Wills, the historian, writes a thought-provoking essay
in
The New York Review of Books, August 10, 1995, on "The New
Revolutionaries," about the militants and the political and
social grievances that undergird their movement -- many of
which are shared, Will states, by a wide spectrum of the
populace discontented with the government:
The suspicion that government has become the enemy of
freedom, not its protector, crosses ideological lines.
Liberals point to FBI plots against American citizens
like Dr. King, to CIA experiments with LSD on American
citizens, to the Defense Department's use of Americans
as guinea pigs in nuclear testing. The right sees
assaults on liberty from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco
and Firearms, the Department of the Interior, the
Occupational Safety and Health Administration. Many
people resent the fact that government has become a
dictator of the terms of societal conduct -- in welfare
programs, in affirmative action and other preferential
attitudes toward citizens' rights, in schools that seem
to have a "multicultural" or antireligious agenda, in
confiscatory taxation, in the keeping of elaborate files
on citizens' activities, in various agencies'
surveillance techniques and bribing of informers.
Wills goes on to review these grievances:
Taxation.
The jury system.
Regulations.
Police power.
Schools.
Family.
Religion.
Citizen militias.
Constitutionalism.
Corruption.
Guns -- discussed at length.
And, he summarizes in closing:
With the end of the cold war, the justification for
government activism has been taken away. If the
government is only good for fighting Communists, and it
no longer fights Communists, then what good is it? No
convincing answer comes from above -- which lends the
answer from the depths its new plausibility: It is good
for nothing, and citizens must take their own lives in
hand again, vindicating their own liberties. Right or
wrong, the armed patriots at least have arguments they
can believe in wholeheartedly. They take the mood of
post-cold war drift, of Perotista resentment, of
disillusionment and economic shakiness, of fin de siecle
fear, and change it into a plan for doing something
about one's gripes.
The militias and their supporters are
not the most central social symptom of our time, but
they are among the more dramatic symptoms of a general
crisis of legitimacy. The authority of government can no
longer be assumed. It has to be justified from the
ground up.
Many people who are not militants or conspiratorialists
can agree with parts of this analysis. Libertarians
wonder why people who keep to themselves should be
bothered.
It is no longer so "extreme" to believe that our
government is the greatest enemy to freedom. We see this
in a new hatred of government agents (who fear for their
lives in western states). Or in the unprecedented
vilification of the head of our government. The fierce
contempt for Hillary Rodham Clinton, for the Attorney
General (called "Butch" Reno on bumper stickers), for
"Condom Queen" Joycelyn Elders, reflects misogyny
rebelling against feminism's gains; but it is also a
sign that the office of the presidency itself may now
incur a contempt as routine as the respect it once
commanded. The heaping of filth on the personnel and
symbols of government has a delegitimating effect in
itself; and the assault is joined to the disillusion,
anger, and disorientation that have marked recent
electoral behavior. Where the heated deny legitimacy and
the cool are doubtful of it, a crisis is in the making.
WIL_mil (about 50K, in 3 parts)
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