From: Linda Reed--PCC West Campus CSC <lreed@west.cscwc.pima.edu>
Date: Mon, 27 Jul 1998 00:14:27 -0700 (PDT)
To: cypherpunks@toad.com
Subject: FDR4
Message-ID: <009C9C7C.37572C80.9@west.cscwc.pima.edu>
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The Polish question was "settled." The formal proposal to hand over
eastern Poland YD east of the Curzon line YD
was made by Roosevelt himself.102 As to western Poland, Stalin already
had a government there named by him
and composed of Communists representing no one but Stalin himself.

Russia wanted the amount to be 20 billion dollars of which she would
take half. It
was agreed that labor might be taken as a possible source of reparations.
This was just a diplomatic way of
authorizing the seizure of human beings to work as slaves after the
war ended and is the basis of that dreadful
crime perpetrated after hostilities ceased to which the President of
the United States agreed.

As the conference ended, Roosevelt remained an extra day because Stalin
wanted to talk with him. He did so
alone. What he wanted settled was "the political aspects of Russia's
participation" in the Pacific. This he was
able to do very quickly and to his complete satisfaction. In return
for Russian participation in the Pacific,
Roosevelt agreed that the Kuriles Islands would be handed to Russia,
who would also get Sakhalin Island,
internationalization of the Port of Darien, the lease of Port Arthur
as a naval base and joint operation with China
of the Eastern and Southern Manchurian railroads. And Roosevelt promised
to use his influence with Chiang
to force him to agree. This secret agreement, like the one supporting
the use of slave labor, was not made
public and was concealed even from Byrnes who was Roosevelt's adviser
at alta. He did not hear of it until
after Mr. Roosevelt's death. Then he saw a reference to it in a Russian
dispatch. By that time he was Secretary
of State. He asked President Truman to have the White House records
searched for this and any other secret
outstanding I.O.U.'s.105 

He did
suggest that to avoid criticism at home the United States be given
three votes too. And Stalin agreed. When
Byrnes got back to the United States he found a note from Roosevelt
instructing him not to discuss this
agreement even in private. Later Roosevelt decided not to ask for the
three votes for the United States. Byrnes
says he never discovered the reason.106 

On the way home
General Watson, his military secretary, died suddenly of heart disease.
Roosevelt reached Washington the end
of February. On March 1 he appeared before a joint session of Congress.
He told the Congress that "more than
ever before the major allies are closely united," that "the ideal of
lasting peace will become a reality." There was
no hint that the surrender which was now formally announced with respect
to eastern Poland was in fact a
major defeat. The disappearance of the Baltic states and practically
all the Balkans behind Stalin's iron curtain
was not announced in any other terms than as a great forward step in
the liberation of Europe. As for western
Poland, there were heavy overtones of guilt and frustration unintentionally
evident. 

In two months Roosevelt was dead. Truman became President. Shortly
after, in May, the German Army
surrendered. The fighting was in the West was over. 

"Silent, mournful, broken Czechoslovakia recedes into the darkness.
She
has suffered in every respect by her association with the Western democracies."
Chamberlain appeased Hitler
and averted war. Churchill got for England both a war and appeasement.

Stalin had merely to sit tight, to make known
his wishes and Roosevelt laid them in his lap with eager compliance
in the notion that he could thus soften
Stalin. It is all the more incredible when we remember that the things
he was laying in Stalin's lap were the
existence of little nations and the rights of little peoples we had
sworn to defend. And when Truman and
Byrnes went to Potsdam what confronted them was an appalling mess.

Roosevelt not only made agreements secret from the people but secret
from his
closest advisers in the government. He made agreements with Stalin
hostile to the objectives of Churchill and
kept secret from Churchill. He made secret agreements with Chiang KaiYDshek,
secret from both Churchill and
Stalin, and secret agreements in derogation of Chiang KaiYDshek's interests
without his knowledge. And he made
many secret agreements which no one in our State Department knew about
until his death and then learned
about them the hard way, by having them flung in their faces at embarrassing
moments by Molotov. 

At the end of all this, Russia held in her hands a vast belt of land
running from the Baltic sea in the north to the
Black Sea in the south, comprising eleven nations with a population
of 100 million people. These she held, not
as parts of the Soviet Union, but as puppet states, presided over by
Red Quislings of Stalin's own selection
who represented him and not the people they governed, any more than
Quisling represented the people of
Norway. 

The truth is that Roosevelt was a dying man when he was elected, that
many of those around him knew it, that
the most elaborate care was exercised to conceal the fact from the
people and that the misgivings of those who
observed it were justified by events, since he died less than three
months after his fourth inauguration. The
progress of that illness and the means employed to deceive the people
must be examined. 

Rear Admiral Ross T. McIntire, his official physician, felt called
upon to put in a book his formal apologia.

He was a naval officer employed by the people to watch
over the President's health and these statements had the effect of
deceiving the employers of the President and
of the Admiral YD namely the people. 

What disease Roosevelt suffered from at Hyde Park and later, that produced
such grave consequences, we do
not know save upon the statements of Dr. McIntire. Many other doctors
were called in to examine the patient,
but none of these men has ever made any statements. However, while
the illness seemingly began at Hyde Park
after the return from Teheran, there is at least some evidence that
he was far from sound before that time. Three
men have written about the trip to Cairo and Teheran YD Dr. McIntire,
Mike Reilly, chief of the President's Secret
Service guard, and Elliott Roosevelt. The President went to Cairo by
sea. But he wanted to fly from there to
Teheran. Reilly tells us that Admiral McIntire "did not want to submit
some of the members of the party to the
rigors of high altitude flight" but that "the President was not one
of these members."112 And McIntire
volunteers the information that Roosevelt suffered no discomfort on
high altitude flights and had shown no
signs of anoxemia when flying at altitudes of 10,000 to 12,000 feet.113
ou might suppose from this Roosevelt
was quite a flier. et he had never been in a plane since he flew to
Chicago for his first acceptance speech 11
years before until he made the trip to Casablanca YD his only flight
while President before Teheran. However,
Elliott Roosevelt in his book defeats these yarns. He tells how McIntire
was worried about Father's projected
flight. "I'm serious, Elliott," says McIntire. "I think he could fly
only as far as Basra and then go on by train."
Elliott wanted to know what height his father might fly, to which McIntire
replied: "Nothing over 7500 feet YD and
that's tops."114 

Elliott talked to the President's proposed pilot, Major Otis Bryan
who, with Mike Reilly, made an inspection
flight from Teheran to Basra and back and reported that the trip could
be made without going higher than 7000
feet, which, says Elliott, "pleased Father very much."115 Thus McIntire
and Reilly are both caught redYDhanded
misleading their readers. This was before Teheran. 

Elliott talked to the President's proposed pilot, Major Otis Bryan
who, with Mike Reilly, made an inspection
flight from Teheran to Basra and back and reported that the trip could
be made without going higher than 7000
feet, which, says Elliott, "pleased Father very much."115 Thus McIntire
and Reilly are both caught redYDhanded
misleading their readers. This was before Teheran. 

Whatever malady struck Roosevelt down at Hyde Park in December and
kept him pretty much out of circulation
until nearly the middle of May, 1944, we know that McIntire at that
time caused a heart specialist from Boston
to be inducted into the service to remain continuously at Roosevelt's
side and that this heart specialist, Dr.
Howard Bruenn, said a year later at Warm Springs that he "never let
Roosevelt out of his sight," which is a
most unusual performance in the case of a patient whose "stout heart
never failed him," as Dr. McIntire puts it

A great mystery surrounded this illness.

. He was dying slowly at first, rapidly later. And at his side as his
chief adviser was
another dying man YD Harry Hopkins. Hopkins had had a portion of his
stomach removed for ulcers and what
was known as a gastroYDenterotomy performed. After this his liver troubled
him and the gall bladder failed to
supply satisfactorily the essential bile necessary to digestion. 

These two dying men, floating slowly out of life, were deliberately
put into power through a fourthYDterm election by a carefully arranged
deception practiced upon the American
people and upon some, at least, of the party leaders. Here was a crime
committed against a great nation which
had made tremendous sacrifices and against the peace and security of
the world in a moment of the gravest
danger. History will pronounce its verdict upon all who were guilty.

Dr. McIntire was immediately notified of the stroke in
Washington and he, Mrs. Roosevelt and Steve Early left at once by plane
for Warm Springs, arriving there at
11 P.M. They immediately decided to have no autopsy. The body was consigned
to its coffin and orders issued
not to open it. It was taken from Warm Springs next morning at 9 o'clock.
It reached Washington next day YD the
14th YD and after lying for a few hours without ever being opened was
taken that night to Hyde Park for
interment next day. It has been the custom in the past for the remains
of deceased Presidents to lie in state in
the Capitol. This was not done.

Present in the cottage when the President was stricken were the artist,
Mrs.
Schoumantoff, who was painting his portrait, his two cousins, his valet
and several others. The artist, a
Russian, was ordered to leave at once. She took a train without delay
and was not located until two days later
at Locust Valley, L.I.

At St. Helena the British government provided its illustrious
prisoner, Napoleon I, with a physician. He was Dr. Francesco Antomarchi,
a Corsican, who however, did not
seem particularly fond of his fallen countryman and who failed signally
to win Napoleon's confidence. Dr.
Antomarchi persisted to the end in the belief that his royal patient
was not seriously ill. Napoleon convinced
himself that his physician did not know what he was doing and that
the medicines he was prescribing were
actually injuring him. Napoleon watched his chance and when the doctor's
back was turned, handed the mixture
just prepared for him to an aide who swallowed it and was immediately
taken with a violent internal disturbance.
The Emperor denounced Antomarchi as an assassin. Dr. MacLaurin,126
who has written interestingly of this
case, observes that from the symptoms now known to be present and even
in the then state of medical
knowledge at that period, the veriest blockhead would have known that
the Emperor was seriously ill.
Napoleon died shortly after the incident described above of cancer
of the stomach. In this case, instead of
passing up the autopsy, Antomarchi performed one himself in order to
prove that there were no symptoms
present to inform him of the presence of cancer and he wrote a book
upon the subject. 

He did not restore our economic system to vitality. He
changed it. The system he blundered us into is more like the managed
and bureaucratized, stateYDsupported
system of Germany before World War I than our own traditional order.
Before his regime we lived in a system
which depended for its expansion upon private investment in private
enterprise. Today we live in a system
which depends for its expansion and vitality upon the government. This
is a preYDwar European importation YD
imported at the moment when it had fallen into complete disintegration
in Europe. In America today every
fourth person depends for his livelihood upon employment either directly
by the government or indirectly in
some industry supported by government funds. In this substituted system
the government confiscates by
taxes or borrowings the savings of all the citizens and invests them
in nonYDwealthYDproducing enterprises in
order to create work. Behold the picture of American economy today:
taxes which confiscate the savings of
every citizen, a public debt of 250 billion dollars as against a preYDRoosevelt
debt of 19 billions, a government
budget of 40 billions instead of four before Roosevelt, inflation doubling
the prices and reducing the
lowerYDbracket employed workers to a state of pauperism as bad as that
of the unemployed in the depression,
more people on various kinds of government relief than when we had
11 million unemployed, Americans
trapped in the economic disasters and the political quarrels of every
nation on earth and a system of permanent
militarism closely resembling that we beheld with horror in Europe
for decades, bureaucrats swarming over
every field of life and the President calling for more power, more
priceYDfixing, more regulations and more billions.
Does this look like the traditional American scene? Or does it not
look rather like the system built by Bismarck
in Germany in the last century and imitated by all the lesser Bismarcks
in Europe? 

He changed our political system with two weapons YD blankYDcheck congressional
appropriations and blankYDcheck congressional legislation. In 1933,
Congress abdicated much of its power when
it put billions into his hands by a blanket appropriation to be spent
at his sweet will and when it passed general
laws, leaving it to him, through great government bureaus of his appointment,
to fill in the details of legislation

He used it to break down the power of
Congress and concentrate it in the hands of the executive. The end
of these two betrayals YD the smashing of
our economic system and the twisting of our political system YD can
only be the Planned Economic State, which,
either in the form of Communism or Fascism, dominates the entire continent
of Europe today. The capitalist
system cannot live under these conditions. The capitalist system cannot
survive a Planned Economy. Such an
economy can be managed only by a dictatorial government capable of
enforcing the directives it issues. The
only result of our present system YD unless we reverse the drift YD must
be the gradual extension of the fascist
sector and the gradual disappearance of the system of free enterprise
under a free representative government. 

how has it advanced the cause of democracy? We liberated Europe
from Hitler and turned it over to the mercies of a far more terrible
tyrant and actually tried to sell him to the
people as a savior of civilization. Behold Europe! Does one refer to
the wreckage there as liberation and
salvation? Is anyone so naive as to suppose that democracy and free
capitalism have been restored in Europe?
Fascism has departed from Germany, but a hybrid system of socialism
and capitalism in chains has come to
England, which is called social democracy but is on its way to Fascism
with all the controls without which such
a system cannot exist. And in America the price of the war is that
fatal deformity of our own economic and
political system which Roosevelt effected under the impact of the war
necessities. 

The war rescued him and he seized upon it like a drowning man. By leading
his country into the fringes of the war at first and then deep into
its center all over the world he was able to do
the only things that could save him YD spend incomprehensible billions,
whip up spending in the hot flames of
war hysteria, put every man and his wife and grandparents into the
war mills, while under the pressure of
patriotic inhibitions, he could silence criticism and work up the illusion
of the war leader. 

Look up the promises he made, not to our own people, but to the Chinese,
to Poland, to
Czechoslovakia, to the Baltic peoples in Lithuania and Latvia and Estonia,
to the Jews out of one side of his
mouth and to the Arabs out of the other side. He broke every promise.

The figure of Roosevelt exhibited before the eyes of our people is
a fiction. There was no such being as that
noble, selfless, hardYDheaded, wise and farseeing combination of philosopher,
philanthropist and warrior which
has been fabricated out of pure propaganda and which a small collection
of dangerous cliques in this country
are using to advance their own evil ends. 

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

In June the longYDawaited invasion of the continent was launched. With
this we will not concern ourselves. The
other subject that occupied Roosevelt's mind was his plan to have himself
renominated for a fourth time. 

The President had lost his head, at least a little. Congress was slipping
away from him. A growing section of his
party, particularly in the Senate, was moving out of that collection
of incongruous elements called the Third
New Deal. It was crawling with Reds and their gullible allies who got
themselves into key positions in all the
bureaus and were talking with great assurance about what they were
going to do with America and the world.
The Communists had all become antiYDfascists and everybody who was against
the Communists was, therefore,
a fascist. A group of organizations financed by undisclosed benefactors
was riding roughshod through the
country smearing everybody who questioned the grandiose plans of the
Great Leader for remaking America
and the world. Nobody was getting a hotter dose of this smearing than
the American Congress. The radio and
the frightened press and magazines kept up a barrage against the members
of the President's own party in both
houses. 

It was a Democratic bill and the blast that exploded in his face brought
him up with a jerk. In the upper house, Senator Barkley, Democratic
leader, Roosevelt's own representative
there, rose to upbraid him. He said the message was "a calculated and
deliberate assault upon the legislative
integrity of every member of Congress." He cried: "I do not propose
to take it lying down," as Democratic and
Republican senators united in a roar of applause. He ended his philippic
with an announcement that made
headlines in every paper in the country. He declared that after seven
years of carrying the New Deal banner for
the President, he now resigned his post as Democratic majority leader
and he called on every member of the
Congress to preserve its selfYDrespect and override the veto. The Senate
overrode it 72 to 14 and the House 299
to 95. It brought Roosevelt tumbling off his high horse. He sent Steve
Early running to Barkley's home that
very night to beg him not to quit. Barkley yielded. 

McIntire was a naval doctor in 1932 and was recommended to
Roosevelt as White House physician by Admiral Grayson. McIntire was
an eye, ear and nose specialist. He got
along famously with Roosevelt, was elevated by him to the grade of
admiral and made head of the Naval
Hospital Service. 

Thus once again the problem of disease entangled itself in the making
of history. 

It had happened after the First World War when the President was stricken
by a brain
hemorrhage that paralyzed his body and impaired his mind and, worse
than this, disturbed his normal mental
balance. What might have been the course of history had Woodrow Wilson's
mental and physical powers
survived must be a matter of speculation. 

We have seen how the Communist party had successfully penetrated the
unions organized by the Congress of
Industrial Organizations YD the CIO YD and how John L. Lewis and David
Dubinsky had got out of it for this
reason, leaving Sidney Hillman in complete control. We have also seen
how the war brought Hillman to the top
in White House circles when he and William Knudsen became the directors
of the economic war effort.
Knudsen departed in good time, but Hillman remained close to the White
House. 

. By 1943, Earl Browder, Communist
leader, had about completed the discovery that there was no hope for
a proletarian revolution in America. The
party got nowhere preaching Communism. The people just wouldn't listen.
But it learned that it could getyYYY   

  
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pqrstuvwxyz{}yYYY~Y~
very
far by using a different technique. After all, Communist revolutionaries
know that before they can introduce
Communism they must destroy the political and economic system of the
country in which they conspire. 

t fascism YD the Planned Capitalist Economy
YD is merely a decadent phase of capitalism. For this reason the Communist
party had been promoting with great
success RedYDfront organizations and inducing the most important people,
like Mrs. Roosevelt, Henry Wallace
and scores of prominent leaders in education and public life, to work
with them. 

As 1944 opened, Browder decided to liquidate the Communist party. It
would go out of politics. It would
become a mere educational association. This was done, and Browder and
Sidney Hillman teamed up to capture
the American Labor Party. This had been formed originally in New ork
City to provide a political vehicle for
Fiorello LaGuardia in his local politics. It had all sorts of people
in it. There were a lot of Reds, a lot of socialists
and a lot of parlor and campus pinks of all sorts, plus a lot of social
reformers and welfare reformers. It had
corralled a lot of votes YD enough to swing an election in New ork
State YD by giving or withholding its vote
from the Democrats. It supported Lehman in 1940 and elected him on
the Democratic ticket. It refused to
endorse the Democratic candidate, Bennett, for governor in 1942 and
the Democratic vote, without it, was
insufficient and thus Dewey became governor. Now Browder and Hillman
joined forces and decided to take
over the American Labor Party. They met resistance from the mixed collection
of pinks who had control, but in
a bitter battle Browder and Hillman took it over. Actually Browder
dominated this team because it was
Communist votes that did the trick. 

In addition to this, Hillman had organized in 1943 a new political
labor group called the CIO Political Action
Committee. The CIO had violated the law by supporting candidates in
various primary elections and to get
around this Hillman formed this Political Action Committee and pressure
was put on members of CIO unions to
compel them to join. This organization was now being used as a club
in the Democratic party to bludgeon
Democratic congressmen and officials generally to play ball with Hillman,
Wallace and their crowd, while
Hillman and Browder did business as a team in New ork State in the
newly reYDformed Communist American
Labor Party. 

The Democratic party could win if it could carry the Southern states
and in addition New ork, Massachusetts,
Illinois, Michigan and New Jersey. These states could be carried with
the support of Sidney Hillman's Political
Action Committee and Browder's American Labor Party, but not without
them and Roosevelt was the only
possible candidate who could get this support. The Democrats had to
nominate Roosevelt or lose the election.
There were some Democrats who thought it was better to lose the election,
but not enough of them.
Accordingly when the convention assembled in Chicago on July 19, Sidney
Hillman was there, not as a
delegate YD he was not even a member of the party YD but to see that
the subservient Democrats behaved to his
satisfaction and to the satisfaction of his friend and partner, Browder.
To this pass had Roosevelt's personal
political ambitions brought the Democratic party of Jefferson, Cleveland
and Wilson. Hillman had a
headquarters there. He wasn't worried about Roosevelt's nomination.
That was settled. He wasn't worried about
the platform. That was written to his satisfaction before the convention
assembled by Sam Rosenman. He had
one more demand. He wanted Henry Wallace nominated again for Vice President.

Harry Hopkins and Henry Wallace and, of course, Sidney Hillman
knew. They knew that Roosevelt was doomed and that if they could name
Henry Wallace Vice President this
time, the government would be in their hands. 

But Chicago had a visitor about whom nothing was known until later.
On the evening of July 14, Roosevelt left
Washington with great secrecy on a special train. It reached Chicago
on Saturday the 15th. That same day,
Robert E. Hannegan, Democratic national chairman, got to Chicago. Reporters
awaited him at the station. But
he slipped out through a rear door of his train and into Mayor Kelly's
policeYDescorted automobile and vanished.
Reporters frantically hunted him all over town. He remained out of
sight until the next day. But in the meantime
he had made a visit to Roosevelt's train, secretly parked on a remote
railroad siding. There poor Wallace's
goose was cooked. Hannegan, too, got a letter. It said the President
would be happy to have either Harry
Truman or William Douglas as his running mate. And as Hannegan was
leaving the train, Roosevelt warned
him "to clear everything with Sidney." The Presidential approval of
Truman was no good until Sidney O.K.'d it

Truman was nominated with 1100 votes to only 66 for
Wallace. But not until Sidney Hillman had approved the change. 

His first speech was not made until September 24 to a dinner given
by the International Teamsters'
Union dominated by Daniel Tobin YD an AFL union. Its purpose was to
put some emphasis on the support of the
AFL in view of the bitter feeling among AFL leaders because of the
dominant role Sidney Hillman's CIO was
playing in Roosevelt's councils and particularly in its favored position
before Roosevelt's Labor Board
~~~~~~~~~
Secret Service Page-

The first occurred on February 1, 1933, in Miami, Florida Giuseppe
Zangara fired five
shots a President-elect Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was making an impromptu
speech while sitting
in an open car that had stopped momentarily. Although none of the shots
hit President Roosevelt,
Zangara mortally wounded Anton Cermak, the Mayor of Chicago, and hit
four other people,
including a Secret Service agent.

On February 15, 1933, Zangara attended
a speech given by Roosevelt at Bayfront Park in Miami, Florida.
When Roosevelt had finished his talk and was preparing to leave,
Zangara pulled out a pistol and opened fire. A bystander
deflected the assassin's aim by pushing his arm into the air.
Zangara wounded five people who had been near the
president-elect, two of them seriously. Most critically injured was
Chicago Mayor Anton Cermak, who was struck by the bullet in
the chest which then lodged in his spine. 

Zangara was immediately charged with four counts of attempted
murder. He was not charged initially with the wounding of
Cermak, as authorities waited to see if the mayor's wounds
would prove fatal. The State charged Zangara for attempting to
murder Franklin Roosevelt, Russell Caldwell, Margaret Kruise,
and William Sinnott. Zangara was found guilty on each count and
sentenced to four consecutive twenty year terms. 

On March 6, Mayor Cermak died from complications stemming
from the shooting. The same day Zangara was indicted by a
grand jury and charged with first degree murder in the death of
Cermak. His trial began on March 9 and ended on March 11
with a guilty verdict and a death sentence. The prisoner was
transported to the Florida State Prison at Raiford, where he was
executed on March 20, 1933. 

The parade car moved slowly down the street as President-elect Roosevelt
and Mayor Cermak
smiled and waved. The car stopped and President-elect Roosevelt gave
a speech while sitting on
the back of the car. A man named Guiseppe Zangara pushed through the
crowd. He fired five
shots at the President-elect. The bullets hit four people and Mayor
Cermak. The mayor fell out of
the car and called out "The President, get him away!" But Roosevelt
ordered his car to stop and
that Mayor Cermak be put in with him. President-elect Roosevelt held
Mayor Cermak all the way
to the hospital.

Mayor Anton J. Cermak died three weeks later, on March 8, 1933. His
body was taken back to
Chicago and buried in the Bohemian National Cemetery.

Guiseppe Zangara was executed in the electric chair on March 21, 1933.
That was only 13 days
after Mayor Cermak died.

It was not always thus. Consider the case of Guiseppe Zangara, who
was executed in 1933 for the
attempted assassination of President-elect Franklin D. Roosevelt in
which Chicago Mayor Anton
J. Cermak was fatally shot. Zangara pleaded guilty in state court on
March 10, was sentenced to
death, and was executed on March 20 -- an interval of 10 days! Kenneth
J. Davis, FDR: The
New ork ears 1928-1933 (Random House, 1985) at 427-435.

After Roosevelt had delivered a
speech in Florida on February 14, 1938, Guiseppe Zangara, an unemployed
bricklayer, fired six
sbots from a handgun at Roosevelt from twelve yards away. The president
elect, who was sitting
in an open car, was uninjured but five other people were shot, including
Chicago mayor Anton
Cernak, who was killed. Zangara, who had a pathological hatred for
rich and powerful figures,
was found guilty of murder and electrocuted.February 15, 1933, Guiseppe
Zangara rose early in Miami, Florida to assassinate Franklin
Delano Roosevelt, president-elect. In the past weeks, FDR's popularity
had increased. That
warm, reassuring voice, that ready grin and tilted cigarette holder,
had reached out to touch
millions of folks all over America. Zangara did not share these emotions.
Pushing his way through
the crowd, Zangara shouted out "There are too many people starving
to death!" He fired shot after
shot at FDR, but a woman's quick move knocked the gun upward. The bullets
hit several
bystanders and mortally wounded Mayor Cermak of Miami.